$Unique_ID{how04946} $Pretitle{} $Title{World Civilizations: Industrialization And Western Global Hegemony From Colonies To Nations} $Subtitle{} $Author{Stearns, Peter N.; Adas, Michael;Schwartz, Stuart B.} $Affiliation{} $Subject{independence america political brazil spanish revolution spain century de mexico see pictures see figures } $Date{1992} $Log{See Simon Bolivar*0494601.scf } Title: World Civilizations: Industrialization And Western Global Hegemony Book: Chapter 31: The Consolidation Of Latin America, 1830-1920 Author: Stearns, Peter N.; Adas, Michael;Schwartz, Stuart B. Date: 1992 From Colonies To Nations By the late 18th century, the Creole elites expressed a growing self-consciousness as they began to question the policies of Spain and Portugal and the very necessity of remaining in a colonial relationship. At the same time, these elites were joined by the majority of the population in resentment of the increasingly heavy hand of government as expressed in the new taxes and administrative reforms of the 18th century. But the shared resentment was not enough to overcome class conflicts and divisions. Early movements for independence usually failed because of the reluctance of the colonial upper classes to enlist the support of the Indian, mestizo, and mulatto masses who might later prove too difficult to control. The actual movements were only set in motion when events in Europe precipitated actions in America. Causes Of Political Change Latin-American political independence was achieved as part of the general Atlantic revolution of the late 18th and early 19th centuries, and Latin-American leaders were moved by the same ideas and influenced by the same trends as those seeking political change elsewhere in the Atlantic world. Four external events had a particularly strong impact on political thought in Latin America. The American Revolution from 1776 to 1783 provided a model of how colonies could break with the mother country. George Washington and Thomas Jefferson seemed to be examples of "Creole" leaders, and the revolutionary ideas of Jefferson, Thomas Paine, and the Declaration of Independence were eventually smuggled into Latin America. The French Revolution of 1789 provoked great interest in Latin America, and its slogans of "liberty, equality, and fraternity" appealed to some sectors of the population. As that revolution became increasingly radical, it was rejected by the Creole elites who could not support regicide, rejection of the Church's authority, and the social leveling implied by the Declaration of the Rights of Man. The third external event was really an extension of the French Revolution. Torn by internal political conflict during the turmoil in France, the whites and free people of color in St. Domingue - France's great island sugar colony in the Caribbean - became divided. The slaves siezed the moment in 1791 to stage a great general rebellion. Under able leadership provided by Toussaint L'Overture and other blacks, various attempts to subdue the island were defeated and in 1804 the independent republic of Haiti was proclaimed. For Latin-American elites, Haiti was an example to be avoided. The spectre of general social upheaval and of slaves becoming their own masters so frightened them that they became even more unwilling to risk political change. It was not accidental that neighboring Cuba and Puerto Rico, with plantations and slaves and acutely aware of events in Haiti, were among the last of Spain's colonies to eventually gain independence. For slaves and free people of color throughout the Americas, however, Haiti became a symbol of freedom and hope. What eventually precipitated the movements for independence in Latin America was the confused Iberian political situation caused by the French Revolution and its aftermath. Portugal was invaded by the French in 1807, and in 1808 Napoleon placed the king of Spain and his son Ferdinand VII under arrest and forced them to abdicate in favor of his brother Joseph Bonaparte who then sought to rule Spain backed by French bayonets. A general insurrection erupted in 1808 and was followed by a long guerrilla war. During the fighting a central committee, or junta central, ruled in Ferdinand's absence, in opposition to Napoleon's brother who also claimed to be king. Who was the legitimate ruler? By 1810 the confusion in Spain had provoked a crisis in the colonies. In a number of places such as Caracas, Bogota, and Mexico, Creoles pretending to be loyal to captive Ferdinand set up juntas to rule in his name, but they effectively ruled on their own behalf. "The mask of Ferdinand" fooled few people and soon the more conservative elements of the population, those still loyal to Spain and royal officials, opposed the movements for autonomy and independence. A crisis of legitimacy reverberated throughout the American colonies. Spanish-American Independence Struggles The independence movements divided into three major theaters of operation. In Mexico, a conspiracy among leading Creoles moved one of the plotters, the priest Father Miguel de Hidalgo, to call for help from the Indians and mestizos of his region in 1810. He won a number of early victories, but eventually lost the support of the Creoles who feared social rebellion more than they desired independence. Hidalgo was captured and executed, but the insurgency smoldered in various parts of the country. Eventually, after 1820 when events in Spain weakened the king and the central government, conservative Creoles in Mexico were willing to move toward independence by uniting with the remnants of the insurgent forces. Augustin de Iturbide, a Creole officer at the head of an army that had been sent to eliminate the insurgents, drew up an agreement with them instead, and the combined forces of independence occupied Mexico City in September, 1821. Soon thereafter, with the support of the army, Iturbide was proclaimed emperor of Mexico. This was a conservative solution. The new nation of Mexico was born as a monarchy, and little recognition was given to the social aspirations and programs of Hidalgo and his movement. Central America was briefly attached to the Mexican Empire, which collapsed in 1824. Mexico became a republic, and the Central American states, after attempting union until 1838, split apart into independent nations. In South America and the Caribbean the chronology of independence was a mirror image of the conquest of the 16th century. Formerly secondary areas like Argentina and Venezuela, slowest to be settled in the 16th century, were among the first to opt for independence and the best able to achieve it, while the old colonial center in Peru was among the last to break with Spain. The Caribbean islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico - among the first of Spain's American possessions - fearful of slave rebellion and occupied by large Spanish garrisons, remained loyal until the end of the 19th century. In northern South America, a movement for independence centered in Caracas had begun in 1810. After early reverses, Simon Bolivar, a wealthy Creole officer, emerged as the leader of the revolt against Spain. With considerable military skill and a passion for independence, he eventually mobilized support, and between 1817 and 1822 he won a series of victories in Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador. Until 1830 these countries were united into a new nation called Gran Colombia. Political differences and regional interests led to the breakup of Gran Colombia. Bolivar became disillusioned and fearful of anarchy. "America is ungovernable," he said, and "those who have served the revolution have plowed the sea." To his credit, however, Bolivar rejected all attempts to crown him as king and remained until his death in 1830 firmly committed to the cause of independence and republican government. [See Simon Bolivar: Simon Bolivar led the struggle for political independence in northern South America. Son of a wealthy Creole family, he became an ardent proponent of independence and a firm believer in the republican form of government.] Meanwhile in southern South America another movement had coalesced under Jose de San Martin in the Rio de La Plata. Buenos Aires had become a booming commercial center in the late 18th century and its residents, called portenos, particularly resented Spanish trade restrictions. Pushing for freedom of trade, they opted for autonomy in 1810 but tried to keep the outlying areas, such as Paraguay, under their control. The myth of autonomy rather than independence was preserved for a while. By 1816, however, the independence of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata had been proclaimed, although the provinces were far from united. Upper Peru (Bolivia) remained under Spanish control, Paraguay declared independence in 1813, and the Banda Oriental (Uruguay) resisted the central authority of Buenos Aires. In Buenos Aires, Jose de San Martin had emerged as a military commander willing to speak and act for independence. From Argentina his armies crossed the Andes to Chile to help the patriot forces in that colony. With victories there, the patriot forces looked northward. Peru, the seat of the old viceroyalty and the scene of the Indian rebellion of Tupac Amaru in the 1780s, remained under Spanish rule. Its upper class was deeply conservative and little attracted to the movements for independence. San Martin's forces entered Peru and Creole adherence was slowly won. With victories like the battle of Ayacucho in 1824, royalist forces were defeated. By 1825 all of Spanish South America had gained its political independence. Despite various plans and programs to create some form of monarchy in many of the new states, all of them emerged as independent republics with representative governments. The nations of Spanish America were born of the Enlightenment and the ideas of 19th century liberalism. Brazilian Independence Although the movement for independence in Brazil was roughly contemporaneous to those in Spanish America and many of the causes were similar, independence was achieved by quite a different process. By the end of the 18th century, Brazil had grown in population and economic importance and had clearly become the dominant part of the Portuguese colonial system. The expansion of European demand for colonial products, such as sugar, cotton, and cacao, contributed to that growth and also to the intensification of slave imports to the colony. While Brazilian planters, merchants, and miners sometimes longed for more open trade and fewer taxes, they feared that any upsetting of the political system might lead to a social revolution or, even worse, a Haitian-style general slave uprising. Thus incipient movements for independence in Minas Gerais in 1788 and Bahia in 1798 were unsuccessful. As one official said, "Men established in goods and property were unwilling to risk political change." The Napoleonic invasions provoked a different outcome in Portugal than in Spain. When in 1807 French troops invaded Portugal, the whole Portuguese royal family and court were able to flee the country and, under the protection of British ships, sailed to Brazil. A new court was established at Rio de Janeiro, which then became the effective capital of the Portuguese Empire. Brazil was raised to equal status with Portugal, and all the functions of royal government were set up in the colony. As a partial concession to England and to colonial interests, the ports of Brazil were opened to world commerce, thus satisfying one of the main desires of the Brazilian elites. Unlike Spanish America, where the Napoleonic invasions provoked a crisis of authority and led Spanish Americans to consider ruling in their own name, in Brazil the transfer of the court brought royal government closer and tended to reinforce the colonial relationship. From 1808 to 1820 the Portuguese king, Dom Joao VI, resided in Brazil and ruled his empire from there. Rio de Janeiro was transformed into a capital city with a public library, botanical gardens, and other improvements. Printing presses began to operate in the colony for the first time, schools were created, and commerce, especially with England, boomed in the newly opened ports. The Brazilian elite were given noble titles and offices in order to win their loyalty to the government, but the arrival of many Portuguese bureaucrats and nobles with the court also created jealousy and resentment. Still, during this period Brazil was transformed into the seat of empire, a fact not lost on its most prominent citizens. Matters changed drastically in 1820 when, after the defeat of Napoleon in Europe and a liberal revolution in Portugal, the king was recalled and a parliament convoked. Jo Atao VI, who loved Brazil, was reluctant to leave, but realizing that his return was inevitable, he left his young son Pedro as regent, warning him that if independence had to come, he should lead the movement and not some "adventurer." Although Brazilians were allowed representation at the Portuguese Parliament, it became clear that Brazil's new status was doomed and that it would be "recolonized." After demands that the prince regent also return to Europe, Pedro refused, and in September 1822 declared Brazilian independence. He became Dom Pedro I, constitutional emperor of Brazil. Fighting against Portuguese troops lasted a year, but Brazil avoided the long wars of Spanish America. Brazil's independence did not upset the existing social organization based on slavery nor did it radically change the political structure. With the brief exception of Mexico, all of the former Spanish-American colonies became republics, but Brazil became a monarchy under a member of the Portuguese ruling house.